Sexual Selection Theory and the Existence of Moral Behavior

Recently I have been re-examining an evolutionary explanation for moral behavior. In particular, I have come across the theory of Sexual Selection and is has changed the way in which I view the evolution of morality. In the following I try to propose that evolution could have shaped our acute moral senses and then look at the implications that having a nuanced theory of morality existence poses to thoughts on self-less behavior and egoism.

There are two major theories for the existence of moral behavior: first there is the claim that it has emerged because of societal influences, and second it has evolved through natural selection via Kin Selection and Reciprocal Altruism. Unfortunately, neither or these explanations capture the full complexity and magnificence of altruistic behavior allowing both to be discarded and morality to remain an unsolved human phenomena. I aim to reclaim morality in the name of sexual selection and show that it has a place in our human nature. Altruism and other moral behaviors are evolved traits though sexual selection, and even though they are evolved and have an adaptive function, genuine altruism void of selfish motivation still exists.

The inability for evolutionary science, both evolutionary biology and psychology, to explain altruism in terms of its adaptive function has opened the door for other disciplines to propose theories as to why altruism cannot be an evolved trait. First, the theory of it being a socially introduced behavior.

Sociologist Barry Schwartz of Swarthmore College presents altruism independent from natural tendencies and evolution, instead centering on societal influences. Schwartz writes that psychology and other social sciences have been plagued by dated theories about human behavior; aspects that we consider to be natural to humans are actually fallacious, in particular, the notion that humans are natural egoists. Schwartz concludes the following about the naturalness of altruism, "However, I suggest that there is nothing natural or inevitable about the pervasiveness of altruism-that large-scale cultural influences that regulate social relations and contribute to establishing the boundaries between self and other can have profound effects on altruism.” 1 This succinct definition of altruism proposes that culture and society shape altruism.

Now that we have examined the abridged explanation of altruism in terms of societal influence, it is time to shift and examine the evolutionary perspective on the matter of morality through natural selection. Biologist P.J. Darlington defines altruism as an action that is potentially reciprocated, potentially profitable to both the giver and receiver, and a net gain lottery balancing itself over time. He goes on to say that the evolution of altruism was extremely slow and imprecise because it emerged as a side-effect of other processes and was countered by competition. 2 The two processes that altruism according to natural selection has emerged from are Kin Selection and Reciprocal Altruism. Kin selection is an organism’s ability to increase it’s own fitness by aiding others who share relatively large amounts of genetic material with them. This is referred to as increasing an organism’s inclusive fitness, that is, the sum of their own reproductive success combined with the fitness and reproductive success of their relatives, kin. Since this behavior increases the likelihood of an individual passing their genes down to the next generation, this behavior was able to evolve. The second major evolutionary process is Reciprocal Altruism, behaving altruistically to non-kin with the expectation of future possible reciprocation. This is also referred to as tit-for-tat strategy, a strategy seen in mating and in economics. Reciprocal Altruism was able to evolve because those individuals who cooperated with others and were able to detect cheaters and not cooperate with them had survival advantages over individuals who did not participate in such a system. 3 Natural selection proposes that general altruism and other charitable actions emerged as a side-effect of these two major processes. 4

Although kin selection and reciprocal altruism can account for much of our moral behavior, there is much more to be desired in an explanation for all moral behavior. Presenting the wide range of morality, from moral leadership to charity, to peacekeeping, to romantic generosity, makes the side-effect hypothesis seem incapable of explaining the vast range of morality seen in humans. This explanation also leaves much to be desired concerning the nature of virtue proposing that all virtue is the side-effect of “nepotism and economic prudence.” 5 Also it cannot see the survival payoffs in what the human mind is best at, humor, story-telling, gossip, art, music, ornate language, imagination, religion, and morality. 6 I will be moving on from the theories of natural selection in explaining morality to the theory of sexual selection from which I will paint a much more elegant portrait of morality.

Sexual selection refers to sexual competition within a species that affects relative rates of reproduction. 7 Plainly put, to survive an organism needs reproduce, and in a sexually reproducing species such as humans, this involves a degree sexual competition among males and females. The implication of sexual competition is that traits and behaviors can provide survival benefits if they are able to help a male or female copulate with another attractive male or female. If a trait or behavior emerges in males that females find attractive, even if the quality serves no survival adaptation, it can be selected for in a population simply because males with this trait have reproduced more than males who do not have this trait making the genes for the trait more prevalent in the next generation. In this way, traits that do not seem adaptive can evolve and become present in a population. In fact, the traits that evolve through sexual selection tend to be traits that are actually the most maladaptive.

During sexual selection, males and females will choose a partner to mate with based on cues that they can perceive in their partner telling them about their fitness. It is crucial for an organism to find a mate that is genetically fit in order to pass down their genes to the next generation. Unfortunately, most organisms do not have the ability to inspect the genes of their partners directly, so, individuals will use indirect cues that have the ability to predict their partner’s fitness. Males and females will look for these traits that can tell them whether or not their partner has good genes. In this way it becomes advantageous for an individual to broadcast the quality of their genes compared to the quality of genes found in other members of the same sex in an attempt to attain the best mate.

It is in this display of genetic quality that males and females separate in their mating strategies. They do this because of the differing physiological stress and time sexual reproduction requires. Long story short, males because of the minimal physical demands required for mating develop elaborate ornamentations and courtship rituals in order to please the choosier female. The female is much choosier because of the much higher physical demands placed upon her during sexual reproduction. This makes her decision on which male to mate with much more critical than the males decision prompting her to choose a mate with caution. This causes an arms race between female preferences and male ornaments to emerge creating and evolutionary treadmill. The choosier females get, the more extreme males will get creating a self-reinforcing cycle; a positive feedback loop. 8

The need to broadcast greater and greater genetic fitness has lead to the development of traits that become more and more costly to the individual. Arbitrary heritable female preferences and male ornamentation interact with one another to produce these grand displays. Female preference is a tricky thing, and its force on the evolution of male ornaments is particularly tricky. Take the following example: in a large group of females one is born with a preference for males with small shoulders and another with a preference for large shoulders. Now it is known that a man’s shoulder size is a good indicator of his fitness, but female preference is not directly driven by what is best. One female prefers males with small shoulders so chooses to mate exclusively with these males and the other who inherited the preference for large shoulders mates with men who have large shoulders. Although neither group has a conscious awareness of it, the female who indiscriminately decided to mate with men with large shoulders will have children who survive better than the female who chose to mate with less fit males.

Over time the inherited preference for large shoulders will become more prevalent in a population of females and make having broad shoulders attractive. When the display for large shoulders becomes attractive to females, males will respond by advertising this trait seeking to mate with the best female. As more and more males become selected for broad shoulders, the male population will continually have males with randomly broad shoulders be favorably selected by females. Over time, this process can rapidly increase the size of male shoulders to levels that may seem useless, but serve the purpose of increasing a male’s chances of mating. 9 Females prefer males with traits that indicate fitness and drive their evolution because previous females who preferred those same traits had offspring who were more energetic and successful surviving more often than children who did not have these qualities. 10 With this, it also important to note that many other mating rules exist for choosing the best mate you can and so forth.

So far we have looked at how sexual selection can allow traits to evolve that have no value other than in their ability to attract the opposite sex, and we have seen how arbitrary female mate choice is, preferences only evolving because of the fitness correlated with their decision resulting in more offspring with that similar preference. So, when it comes to looking at morality through the lens of sexual selection, the same rules apply.

In the words of Geoffrey Miller author of The Mating Mind, “We have the capacity for moral behavior and moral judgments today because our ancestors favored sexual partners who were kind, generous, helpful, and fair.” 11 Traits that males ornament themselves typically involve a large amount of genes. These traits are difficult to maintain because mutations are inevitable, and when something, like the brain, involves an enormous percentage of an organism’s genes, any defects in the organism’s genes will be evident. This makes this trait an accurate indicator of fitness allowing it to be selected by females over and over escalating the size of the trait beyond possible means for the male. The selection of traits that are difficult to maintain is referred to as the Zahavi Handicap Principle, that indicators of fitness will encumber the male and require of him a high level of fitness to survive. An example of this in nature is found in the extravagant plumage of the male peacock. Geoffrey Miller writes, "The peacocks tail is not just a cheap, transient advertisement visible only to peahens. It is heavy, encumbering, hard to grow, hard to preen, and highly visible to predators. Peacocks have to drag it around everywhere they go. Unfit peacocks might be able to grow large tails, but they would not be able to carry them while finding food, or fast enough to escape from predators. Only highly fit peacocks can afford large tails." 12 In the same way that peacocks have to carry an expensive ornament to please the peahens, Zahavi suggests that most sexual ornaments are handicaps. The incredible mental step that we now must take is realizing that the Zahavi Handicap Principle applies not only to peacocks, but directly to the existence of moral behavior and altruism.

Altruism is a behavior that evolved as a fitness indicator continually being selected during mating encounters because of its accuracy in displaying fitness, not a behavior that has emerged because of a particularly conducive current social atmosphere as Schwartz proposed. It fits all of our guidelines for a fitness indicator: its difficult to maintain, it requires a large amount of genetic quality to have the brain capacity to be good at it, and it varies among the population. Altruism operationally defined as agreeableness has been shown to have genetic variability and influence as well. Adoption studies performed by Mednick, Brennan, and Kandal have shown that altruism indeed has a partially genetic basis. Children whose biological parents were criminals are just as likely to show similar characteristics in adulthood regardless of being raised by their biological parents or by their adopted parents. 13 Understanding altruism as a sexually selected trait, it would be an appropriate time to review what this entirely means and implies.

The arbitrary nature of sexual selection has selected altruistic acts to be attractive because of their fitness indicator capability, not because these actions are “good for the species”. Altruism didn’t evolve because it promoted the well-being of the population the actor was in. To reiterate, altruism formed because it was a good fitness indicator. Because of the unpredictable nature of sexually selected traits, from peacock feathers to large brains, the question to why altruism evolved instead of a more malicious behavior equally capable of displaying fitness is an important question. The suspected reason that altruism evolved as a fitness display is because of Equilibrium Selection. Groups could have just as likely preferred behaviors that were not as group beneficial as altruism converging on a different equilibrium (equilibrium in this context is referring to a state where a similar behavior is preferred, such as an equilibrium finding malicious behavior attractive) as long as the behavior was a good fitness indicator. The thing is, group competition can help choose which equilibria will evolve. Individual sexual benefits, not group benefits, always maintain the equilibrium, but the advantages that the group who behaved altruistically had over the group that didn’t could have been enough to allow this behavior to develop. 14 We will soon examine the implications of altruism having evolved in this manner when we examine the nature of moral arguments.

So here we are: can genuine altruism exist. We have now seen how altruism evolved for the gains of the individual, not through survival advantages, but through sexual advantages. The question arises as to whether or not the reality of its existence as a selfish behavior implies anything about the legitimacy of the altruist. Can someone behave genuinely altruistically even though their capacity to behave altruistically, in fact for them to even comprehend their own behavior, evolved as a sexually selected fitness indicator with the purpose of enhancing the individual’s fitness? To answer this question we need to understand the extent to which individuals are aware of the selfish acts that they commit and the importance of evolution in the validity of morality.

Because of the arbitrary direction that sexual selection runs by, moral behavior cannot be seen as either an end-all code of conduct, or as a useless artifact of previous sentiment. Courtship displays are not regulated in their size by an understanding sentient being preventing an organism from dying out due to its own desire to please the opposite sex. On the contrary, there are numerous examples of animals going extinct due to extraneous fitness indicators (A good example of this is the Irish Elk with antlers over six feed wide going extinct). 15 Considering that moral behavior is a fitness indicator in the same way that antlers for the elk were, to say that our current form of morality holds legitimacy over any other possible code of conduct also seems erroneous. Although, this is not to say that our ancestors were selecting individuals with artificial kindness. In fact, our ancestors were looking for morality and altruistic behavior that was genuine. Even though we need to look at our morality with the understanding that it has been sexually selected over many generations, the understanding that what was selected was seen as genuine needs to be considered as well. 16

So our ancestors selected individuals who displayed what they perceived as genuine altruism, does this change the fact that they were selecting it with the subconscious motivation to find the best genes in which to carry on their own genetic material? Perhaps an analogy could be of use. Art, like morality, is a sexually selected trait that carries with it emotional baggage. Although we suspect that it has evolved and flourished because of the high fitness demands associated with its creation, it is important to understand how the artist feels about their work. Geoffrey Miller writes what a conversation with a Satin Bowerbird would be like, a bird whose males spends absurd amounts of time creating enormous huts for females to examine and choose a mate from. He proposes that it would something like this,

I find this implacable urge for self-expression, for playing with color and form for their own sake, quite inexplicable. I cannot remember when I first developed this raging thirst to present richly saturated color-fields with a monumental yet minimalist stage-set... It is a happy coincidence that females sometimes come to my gallery and appreciate my work, but it would be an insult to suggest that I create in order to procreate. We live a post-Freudian, post-modernist era in which crude sexual meta-narratives are no longer credible as explanations of our artistic impulses. 17

Miller suggest that the bowerbird’s motivation lies far from the desire to procreate, but in the desire to create beauty. In my opinion, morality should be viewed in the same way. Many people do altruistic deeds because they desire to do altruistic deeds, we saw this earlier in Schwartz’s research on moral behavior. I would not propose that these individuals are secretly wishing more sexual encounters when they perform kind acts, even though their motivation may have evolved because of altruism’s ability to provide more sex. 18 Further, even though the behavior of altruism cannot create itself because we find pleasure in it, to deny the pleasure that we get would be incorrect. Our motivation to behave altruistically evolved because of the fitness benefits provided to those who behaved this way, but the motivation is separate from this distant goal. 19 We act altruistically because we have an inherent feeling that it is the right thing to do, and although sexual selection invented this motivation, the capacity for humans to exhibit genuine altruism still exists, and is actually a part of our human nature.

Altruism exists because it has been sexually selected for over time due to its ability to indicate fitness, but just because of its inherent function, the human capacity for altruism cannot be overlooked. The argument that because altruism and other moral behaviors have evolved to serve in the best genetic interests of our ancestors they also inherently egotistic is an argument that needs to be continually studied. The precise differences between motivation and action have been haunting philosophers for a long time, take for example David Hume. Hume writes of our capacity to understand the motives behind our behavior that, “Our motive or intention, indeed, frequently concealed from ourselves, when it is mingled and confounded with other motives.” 20 In closing, I would desire to final quote from Geoffrey Miller’s The Mating Mind concerning the legitimacy of morality, “The peacock’s tail is no less beautiful when we understand its sexual function. Nor should the validity of human moral vision be reduced when we understand its origin in sexual choice.” 21 Morality needs to be studied under the lens of evolutionary theory, not in an attempt to diminish its power, far from it. It needs to be studied in order to grasp the power of morality in its evolved and manifested form in humanity; morality being a natural part of our species.

Notes:

1 Barry Schwartz, “Why Altruism Is Impossible ... and Ubiquitous ,” The Social Service Review 67, no. 3 (1993): 314.

2 P.J. Darlington, “Altruism: Its Characteristics and Evolution,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 75, no. 1 (1978): 385.

3 Robert L. Trivers, “The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism,” The Quarterly Review of Biology 46, no. 1 (1971): 35-37.

4 Darlington, 385-389.

5 Geoffrey Miller, The Mating Mind: How Sexual Choice Shaped the Evolution of Human Nature (New York: Anchor Books, 2000). 304.

6 Miller, 17-18.

7 Miller, 39.

8 Miller, 56.

9 Miller, 175.

10 Miller, 211.

11 Miller, 282.

12 Miller, 123.

13 Mednick, S. A., Brennan, P., & Kandel, E. “Predispositions to violence,” Aggressive

Behavior 14 (1988): 25-33.

14 Miller, 314-318.

15 Millet, 42.

16 Miller, 325.

17 Miller, 270.

18 Miller, 325.

19 Miller, 296.

20 David Hume, An Enquiry concerning the principles of Morals (Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1983). 91.

21 Miller, 321.

An Incomplete Definition of Morality

As I have been thinking about this question of where morality came from, a gaping hole emerges in my thinking. I do not have a definition of morality. I have been thinking about why people behave in a "moral" way when I have yet to properly define what a "moral" behavior is. Without establishing a working definition of what morality is I have no hope in determining how this type of behavior, however I operationally define it, came to be.

When I think about moral behavior a few separate definitions come to my mind. The first idea to pop into my head in the idea of altruistic behavior. This in the biological sense simply means an act or behavior that sacrifices the own good of the altruistic actor in a way that benefits the recipient of the behavior. In this way many behaviors can be classified as moral behaviors, altruistic, varying in their degrees of sacrifice and benefit. Unfortunately, the more that I think about this definition, the less I feel it encompasses all moral behavior. The first thought being why would moral behavior exist at all if it didn't serve some benefit for the user? Looking at this more evolutionary perspective for morality leads me down a road that I will travel later, but for the sake of finding a more abstract morality, perhaps for the moment set aside.

The next definition of morality that enters my mind is it being a set of rules governed by an community to hold people accountable for their actions. In this way I think of morality almost as a legal system. So, if I am to perceive morality as a set of rules governing a particular group of people, by noticing that there are many diverse groups of people I would next propose that this definition makes morality a flexible term. Because of the diversity that we see in cultures today, something that may seem incredibly immoral in one place may not seem that horrible in another. By defining morality in this culturally fluctuating manner we move the definition of moral behavior into the general sentiments of the population from which the judged actor is in. A behavior will receive its judgement by comparing the behavior committed to those set down by the cultural norms of the region. A behavior that is seen to coincide with an immoral deed will be ruled to be immoral, and likewise behaviors that are culturally seen as praiseworthy will be seen as moral. I am skeptical of this account of morality though, possibly because of my naive vision of human behavior, or possibly because of the human universals that I would propose lead people to have more similar views on moral and immoral behaviors than one would think, or for that matter, like to think. Regardless, morality can be defined in these relativistic cultural terms, but in other ways as well.

The final construct for morality that I wish to examine, for the moment, is whether or not it is something that is relative or concrete. Are moral standards something set in stone, or are they judgements based on the events, previous events, etc.. As far as I understand it, I am attempting to display two theories, one of consequentialism and one of an objective moral order. First of the consequentialist thought, this would be the notion that moral actions should be judged according to the outcome that the possible actions would promote. If the consequence is good, then the action is morally praiseworthy, if the consequence is bad, then the action is immoral. Consequentialism, so far as my limited understanding supposes, takes this calculus to be determining factor between moral and immoral behaviors. On the other hand, Moral Universalists try to place an ethical code applicable for all similar situations—that anyone in a particular situation can refer his actions to this moral code to determine if the action is moral or immoral. Extending from this is the idea of Moral Absolutism, the idea that there is a moral code extending beyond situation-specific details. That there is a moral ethic independent of individual complications.

I'm not trying to convince you that I have a complete understanding of these theories. These are just labels that I have found for thoughts about the definition of morality that I have found helpful in determining how to judge moral behaviors. My ultimate goal is get a better grip on what to judge as moral behavior and what to judge as immoral behavior. I will have to ponder these moral theories and decide how to go about pursuing the question of where moral behavior comes from.

Morality and Religious Thought

A thought that I desire to further pursue is the impetus that many religious theories present in order to promote moral behavior. Its a trend that I noticed a long time ago and was a part of my criticism of Christianity. The idea that I had a problem with is the idea of having to morally behave because of another reason other than just to act morally. I know Immanuel Kant explores this idea through his categorical imperative, but I will look at that another day. Right now, I just want to continue to explore basic religious reasons to act morally.

To begin, I'm going to examine an ideology that I am most familiar with, Christianity. Christianity poses that the reason we need to behave morally is because it is a commandment of God and is required to be a good servant of him. This continues with the story of Jesus being as a divine savior teaching people that the way to get into heaven is through kindness and other moral behavior. Thus, moral behavior is an imperative for a Christian because of the implications your actions have on your success in the afterlife. If you do not act in the kind loving way that Jesus acts in your earthly life, you will be denied access into the divine eternal life promised to you by God for your good deeds. Moral behavior exists because God says that we must act in this way to get to heaven.

The problem that I have with this explanation is that is presents moral behavior as something innately God-like. To act with kindness and compassion are all things that are what God wants us to do, and because it is humanity's lot to please God in order to achieve eternal salvation, we must follow suite. The reason that we act morally is because God told us to. The problem I have with this is that it puts the only motivation for acting morally in the hands of an external God's command.

Setting aside the Christian tradition to look at Eastern religious thought, a similar, but distinct, theory also emerges. I would like to know more about the Confucian and Hindi traditions, and I am not going to pretend to be an expert, but for the sake of this argument I have extracted the following impetus for moral behavior. Because of our inherent egoism and perception of an individual existence, we have come into an identity crisis with ourselves. They propose that human in suffering from an existential crisis of sorts and that the way to alleviate this suffering is to understand our intertwined reality. For Confucianism I understand this to be the understanding of the distinction between Destiny and the Decree of Heaven. For Confucianists, material wealth, political status, and personal longevity are all things that are determined by Destiny. This makes striving for them in our lives a waste of time and a cause for other vices such as greed, stealing, and gluttony. Because these things are out of our control, we should aim to commit ourselves to instead becoming aligned with the Decree of Heaven, an understanding that the only thing that we can control is ability to be morally disciplined and live in "the Way of the Sages". So, the reason to behave morally is to alleviate our suffering due to the misconceptions we have about Destiny and instead look to achieving oneness with the Decree of Heaven. Hinduism has a similar explanation. It poses that the differences we perceive in the world are illusions and that everything is interconnected with the Brahman and the Atman. Everything is Brahman and nothing is Brahman. In this way, the illusion that we are disconnected to others around leading to our immoral behavior is fundamentally flawed because there are no separations. Because of this, to alleviate the human ignorance of universal connectivity by understanding the Brahman and Atman is what ultimately causes us to behave morally.

Both of these theories propose that, similar to the Christian faith, it follows from our effort to alleviate our suffering caused by a misunderstanding of the world to behave in a moral way. In these two religions it is just painted in a must different fashion.

So, are these other religions acting morally because it is the correct thing to do, or are they acting morally for the same seemingly selfish reasons that Christianity has urged its followed with. Is there a difference between understanding that the only thing worth pursuing in life is correct moral behavior, therefore pushing one to behave in this way, and the idea that to have an eternal afterlife I must behave morally. Are one of these more or less selfish than the other? Are either selfish? What does it mean to be selfish, if indeed you do understand that the only thing worth living for is pursuit of this moral behavior, wouldn't it then simply be logical to pursue it?

These questions will require further thought into what it means to be selfish and if this is dependent upon our theory of existence. Also, a refined theory of morality will also be required in the interpretation of what sorts of behaviors are being recommended in these religions.

Religious Experiences: Possible Development

My interest in developmental psychology has led me to consider what sort of developmental questions should I be asking concerning my ability to be religious. Thinking about this, I had a thought that perhaps the capacity to have profound religious experience may actually be a necessary stage of cognitive development. The thought was, if we are capable of such profound religious thoughts, I wonder what is beneath the ability to do so. What sort of building blocks is religious built upon. I thought about it, and decided that the best way to figure out what builds up to form religious would be to look at my own experiences. From this I may be able to get some working definition of religious experience upon which to start pondering developmental intricacies. Here is my own first look at religious experience.

When people experience a religious experience they undergo a process in which no objective description may be made. Similar to Ethicist David Hume’s explanation of beauty and morality, one may find similarities between religious experiences and be able to find things that can categorize them, but due to the uniqueness, cross-cultural existence, and existence only in interaction with humanity, one can never find something that defines exactly religious experience. Although when looking through the pages of the Evolutionary Psychology textbook written by David Buss one does not see the presence of religious experience, I am going to argue that the cognitive ability to have such an experience is a trait that has evolved over the course of human development for the betterment of human existence.

This being said, can there be a general purpose, if not definition, of religious experience? To answer this question it is necessary to examine what happens to the person when a religious experience occurs (not to try and define as stated, but for the purposes of understanding a developmental goal achieved, if there is one). When one has a religious experience they feel an odd sensation of being completely disconnected to the world, yet never more fully connected. A sensation that as stated cannot be objectively defined, but is universally experienced. An understanding that I have developed based off of my own experience involved a sudden ability to realize that I am a part of something larger than myself, in my example a faith tradition, and I have a purpose and a part of this larger goal or being. This is a strange thought. While feeling this sense of being disconnected form the wold, I seem to find myself never more connected to it’s core and never more a member of its existence.

So a general description of religious experience has been laid out, but what sort of purpose could such an experience have, if any? Something that I myself have noticed is that when I have a religious experience I feel like I am actually a being in the world and are no longer a by-stander in it. Let me explain. I notice in day-to-day life that what I perceive in nature and around me is separated from me. That I am an entity, the singular Andrew Gonzalez, but everything around me, the trees, the buildings, grass, etc., are of themselves in their existence. This struck me as very strange because I understand that what I am is a part of what they are; we live in the same world and are of the same matter, and are co-existing on this planet. But what made me realize this? When I answer this question I turn to one of the few profound religious experiences that I have had in my lifetime. Experiences where I feel as if I am in the presence of a being greater than anything I can understand to be real and malleable on this planet, but instead something that connects everything that I see to be separate. This is to say something more real and more powerful than my own experience. I understood this force to be a singular God, but I propose that this same experience can happen under any faith tradition. I propose that every religious experience can allow that beholder a sense of connectedness and purpose in the world.

So what sort of benefit could arise from such an experience, that is to say, why do we have the cognitive capacity to understand such a profound level of our existence? When I think of this question, many more question arise in my mind. For instance, at what point in human’s evolution or existence, was man first able to have religious experience? Is there a time we can point out that we can definitively say religious experiences were able to be experienced, here! A point where we can see human capacity leaping to this profound experience. For the sake of defining this experience as a trait that has evolved and has purpose in our development, I am going to tentatively answer yes to this question and say that it is a trait mankind has been experiencing for a long period of time due to the fact that it can occur independent of education and other modern acquired knowledge.

The next question that appears in my mind is one that concerns religious experience as an evolved mechanism, that is, does the ability to have a religious experience in any way make our lives better or serve a purpose to the efficacy of our reality? To answer this question, another must first be addressed, and this is whether or not everyone experiences a religious episode. If I am going to argue that everyone has the evolved capacity for religious experience I must first recognize whether everyone does. This is a tricky question. From my understanding, witnessing a number of religious experiences, I am under the assumption that everyone is capable of a religious experience, and the following is why. Under the Christian tradition I have witnessed many people, including myself, having religious experiences, but from having been at events in which this experience is desired and not attained personally I feel as if I can make a few objective points concerning its attainment. To be specific, I was at church camp one year and I remember being at function later in the week that involved the understanding of our sins under the Christian faith and the acceptance of salvation from Jesus Christ. This specificity is not necessary for understanding religious experience in general, but may prove useful in analyzing my own experiences. At this evening event individuals are asked to step forward and pray with pastors working at the camp talking with them about how they have not understood what Christ has done for them, that what they have understood to be a singular existence in themselves is false and that we are all connected under one God. Also needing to be said, in writing of the specifics in the Christian faith tradition, I am in not in any way attempting to simplify what is happening to the individual in these circumstances or demean their value, in fact quite the opposite is true. I am recognizing their incredible power and trying to see what are the circumstances in which such and incredible experience can be attained. Back to my example. People go up and talk to pastor about such profound thoughts and through intense meditation are able to experience a revival of themselves such as they have never felt before (or at least I had never felt before when I experienced my own). These people are overwhelmed with the new knowledge of how connected their existence is with the rest of humanity’s and how they are not as alone as they previously felt. This knowledge has an incredible impact on how the individual feels about their existence. This experience has the power to remove people from feeling alone, from being depressed about their life the way in which they have lived it, and even the power to bring people back from the brink of suicide. I was able to witness firsthand the intense power that religious experiences were able to attain and how they had the power to transform people’s lives.

To me, this experiencing of religious connectivity is an experience that cannot be underestimated in it’s value. To refer back to my example at the church camp, the day proceeding this profound evening, people stood up in front of the entire group at camp and professed how they had been changed for the better and now understand that what they do actually has meaning and that they can change the world around them for the betterment of humanity. People gave testaments of their own life flaws and mistakes, citing how horribly they’ve lived, how close they have been to the brink of suicide. They then state how what they felt being suddenly connected to God has had such a profound impact on them that they now feel their life to have meaning again. I don’t mean to go on and on about what I experienced at this camp, but I feel that taking a closer look at this example can yield some important discoveries.

So what exactly happened to these people that had the ability to change their lives? Looking back on what I noticed, I would propose that what happened can be seen in the following stages, and propose that similar stages are experienced in every faith tradition. People understand that they are not alone. People have the sudden sensation that, dependent on the specific religious tradition, they are connected to everything and everyone around them making what actions they do significant now not only for their own being, but for everything in which they are also connected to. People have a realization that they can be living a better life. In the Christian tradition this involved a recognition of sin, but across religions as I understand it, there is a sense that people have been contributing poorly and insufficiently to their society and earth (the society and earth they now for the first time feel deeply connected to). And finally, people experience a calling to be better. People, now understanding their place in the world, have the desire to help make it better not only for themselves but for those around them. With this new-found invigorating perspective on life and their purpose, people are able to put the past behind them and continue living and contributing to the world. It is when a person realizes that they are connected to everything else and have the power to make a positive contribution that they are able to be saved from the depths of depression and guilt that plagues so many.

Now, another question that comes into my mind; I know that the presence of pain and depression exist cross-culturally and throughout the world in many forms, but can we say the religious experience exists in the same way? I am going to say that people everywhere experience this religious invigoration due to the presence of religion everywhere in the world. This is to say that I feel wherever there is religion, there will be religious experiences. To me the very point of religion is to explain the unexplainable phenomenon that everything in existence is is relationship to everything else. But, could this ability rest on some cultural realization found selectively throughout the world limiting the religious experience to these areas? Once again I will answer no because of the nature of religious experience not resting on any educational or societal capacity (that is to say one cannot have a religious experience unless they understand that there are many people in the world with them) but instead resting on the cognitive ability for people to understand the nature of their reality. This sounds intimidating, but let me explain. People, to have religious experiences, do not need to be educated to the degree in which we are today, but simply need to be able to look at themselves and understand they are an individual entity, look at the world, and then understand that they are a part of it.

We can see this sort of development occurring when we examine the cognitive development of the human child. Although this examination may seem futile, I am confident that it will yield illuminating results. When I say that the person needs to simply understand that they are an individual entity I am entirely understating the incredible cognitive phenomenon that has evolved in the human race. Through the discipline of Developmental Psychology much of these incredible cognitive leaps have been mapped and evaluated. It is from this discipline in which I will cite the following. Children are not born with the immediate capacity to understand that they exist, but instead through a series of cognitive stages are able to understand that they exist. It is around the age of one year in which an infant starts to typically show signs of understanding individuality. This realization is referred to as self-awareness, or, “a person’s realization that he or she is a distinct individual, with body, mind, and actions that are separate from those of other people” (Berger. pg.182). This is to say that a human’s capacity to understand individuality is a developed trait. The second cognitive leap in which I want to analyze is that of understanding that there are others around you in which you are attached. This is referred to as attachment, and consists, according to American developmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth, “is an affectional tie that an infant forms with the caregiver- a tie that binds them together in space and endures over time.” This ability emerges in the infant around the age one as well. Once again, what I have taken as a simple cognitive ability to understand a connection to others is actually a developed trait in humans that have evolved over time. According to Ross Thompson in the Handbook of child psychology, “Over humanity’s evolutionary history, proximity-seeking and contact-maintaining behaviors contributed to the survival of the species” (pg.192).

We have now established the cognitive abilities of attachment and self-awareness as developed cognitive abilities, but the next question proves to be most important: Is the cognitive ability to have a religious experience an evolved trait similar to attachment and self-awareness? In answering this question one needs to examine what could be the purpose of having such a trait. I am going to cite previous objective observations on what happens during a religious experience to answer. As previously stated, when one undergoes a religious experience the person has a sudden realization that their existence is not insignificant, but that they are connected to a larger body of existence through various mediums depending on the religious tradition. I feel that this trait is a next step in cognitive development that pushes the human being to contribute positively to society because the individual now has a deepened understanding that they are a part of a larger society. Let me explain. A person at a very early age understands that they are an individual and what they do is separate from what everyone else does. Once a person has the cognitive capacity necessary for religious experience, one can come full circle and understand that although they are an individual, in reality they are a part of something bigger than themselves. This capacity also falls in line with the theory of inclusive fitness, that is the sum of and individual’s own reproductive success plus the effects the individual’s actions have on the reproductive success of his or her genetic relatives (Buss pg.13). The way in which religious experience expands on the concept of inclusive fitness is in it’s capacity to extend beyond kin, but to the rest of mankind. In my mind this is a logical step in cognitive development benefitting the species. I cannot say that it is the next step, or how closely connected these two developments are, but I am convinced that the human’s ability to connect with the rest of the human race is an evolved psychological mechanism that caused humanity to have a deep desire to aid in their fellow human’s existence, thus, aiding the survival of the species as a whole, thus having the trait be selected for existence today.

To conclude, many variables still remain in the acknowledgment of religious experience as an evolved psychological mechanism. These include the variety found in religions, as well as the idea that there is a deeper connection in which religion is simply the surface of. That is to say, what we perceive as religious experience is actually just a proxy for which an even more spectacular process is occurring. More time will need to be spent on the subject, but developments in the teleological biases and traits may illuminate this topic in the future.

Notes:

Berger, Kathleen S. The Developing Person: Through the Life Span. Madison: Worth Publisher, 2008. Print.

Buss, David M. Evolutionary Psychology: The New Science of the Mind. 3rd ed. Pearson Education Inc., 2008.

Handbook of child psychology: Vol 3. Social, emotional, and personality development . (6th ed., pp.24-98) Hoboken, NJ: Wiley

Getting Started: Morality

A question that has haunted me for a long time is the question of where moral behavior comes from. Why do we behave morally? Its a question that has vast implications, not only because of the judgement its answer would have to make upon human nature, but because of its implications into how we should act. Its a particularly difficult question in my opinion to answer because of the required intersection of so many fields of cognitive theory, be it philosophy, psychology, religion, or biology. Only through the synthesis of these perspectives can a reasonable theory of moral behavior emerge.

I’m not going to pretend to know an answer. Not to seem as if I lack ambition, but I am not going to pretend to even have a logical argument from which to seek an answer. But, without trying, needless to say, no progress will be made. For this reason I will begin to determine what it is I do think by presenting all the ideas that I come across and determining the merits of each. In this way, some time from now, I may come across something that more resembles an answer than the jumble of thoughts which now inhabit my mind.

These ideas, I regretfully admit, will not be comprehensive. In fact I have been putting off even attempting to determine an answer for some time because of my lack of a comprehensive answer. The ideas will require editing, clarifying, focusing, removal, etc., but they are written in the attempt to begin a process. The goal is to figure out this morality problem. Many of the ideas that I will write down are not mine, and I will not be coy about this fact. I am simply going to be reciting information that I am coming across upon my quest for solving this answer for part of this blog. The purpose for this will be to place all of the information that I am using to come up with new ideas all down in one area. Along with this information I will try to give insights that I come up with from the knowledge I am gaining though the writing of this blog.

I do not intend to be excessive in my explanation of this blog. I have been thinking about this question for a long time, and, not to be selfish in my writing, but part of my intent is to clarify my own confused thoughts. Any input on these ideas would be greatly appreciated, and it will undoubtedly be required. Criticism would be greatly appreciated, as it would aid in the process of figuring out this critical question.

Now that this explanation is verging upon the cliff of procrastination, thanks, and let’s get started.